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I have been trying to learn linguistics, mainly English. Recently I have been studying clauses and dependency trees. I have been wondering -

Whether can we assume a rough tree structure for every kind of clause. For example, if we talk about independent clauses, there are many types of clauses like declarative, interrogative, etc. Now I was wondering whether can we make some sort of fixed(but a little bit flexible) dependency tree??

For example:- considering a declarative clause, we can have a 'nsubj ROOT dobj' dependency tree. Now I know this is not gonna be the case every time, it can be flexible in these ways:

  • det nsubj ROOT dobj
  • nsubj ROOT det dobj
  • det nsubj ROOT aux dobj

and so on....

but still, the basic dependency tree is 'nsubj ROOT dobj'. My question now - is it okay to assume this kind of dependency tree for different types of clause or I might be wrong and if I am wrong, what are the chances.

1 Answers1

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Basic clause patterns can indeed be captured in dependency grammars (DGs) along the lines suggested in the question. However, much rides of course on the language under investigation, since the basic clause patterns in the one language are often distinct from those in the next language. The particular annotation scheme one assumes is also important. Consider in this regard the third pattern listed in the question, i.e. det nsubj ROOT aux dobj. That pattern is apparently assuming that when an auxiliary verb is present, it is NOT the root of the sentence, but rather the content verb is the root. This aspect of the pattern is controversial, since DGs traditionally view the finite verb as the root of the clause, be this finite verb a content verb or an auxiliary verb.

A couple of examples from German can demonstrate the importance of getting the basic annotation scheme right. If the finite verb is the root of the clause as the DG tradition has it, then the V2 trait (verb second) of German matrix clause structure is captured in a straightforward way by the insight that the root verb necessarily has one and only one pre-dependent. Observe the following two trees next; they are of a sentence for which the word order is variable:

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Two more possible word orders are shown with the next trees:

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As long as the second position in the clause is occupied by the finite verb (i.e. habe ‘have’), there is much flexibility concerning the constituent that appears in the first position. This insight is captured in DG terms by acknowledging that the root must have one and only one pre-dependent. If the content verb getan ‘done’ were the clause root instead of the auxiliary habe ‘have’, this V2 trait of matrix clause structure would be more difficult to discern because there would be no way to know how many constituents could precede the root. Consider in this regard that in the fourth tree given, i.e. the d-tree, the content verb is in first position.

Let’s consider examples from English next. Embedded finite clauses in English have a predictable basic structure. They are almost always SV (subject + finite verb) -- exceptions do occur, although they are rare, for instance in the event of negative inversion and regarding some dialectal variation. This is true, for instance, of object clauses introduced by that, e.g.

(2) They said that FrankS sentV Jill chocolates.

(3) They said that yesterday FrankS sentV Jill chocolates.

The bolded S and V are marking the subject and finite verb. Embedded interrogative clauses that lack an auxiliary verb also consistently have SV order, e.g.

(4) I wonder whoS sentV chocolate to Jill.

(5) I wonder what FrankS sentV to Jill.

(6) I wonder who FrankS sentV chocolate to.

(7) I wonder to whom FrankS sentV chocolate.

It remains true if an auxiliary verb is present, e.g.

(8) I wonder whoS willV send chocolate to Jill.

(9) I wonder what FrankS willV send to Jill.

(10) I wonder who FrankS willV send chocolates to.

(11) I wonder to whom FrankS willV send chocolates.

(Note that I view modal verbs like will as finite because among the verbs, they appear leftmost in a position where the finite verb generally appears.) It’s also true of relative clauses, e.g.

(12) Jill, who FrankS sentV chocolates to

(13) Jill, who FrankS willV send chocolates to

In all of these examples, the subject in the embedded clause immediately precedes the finite verb, be this finite verb an auxiliary verb or a content verb. Therefore, it does indeed appear that the sequence SV is the most distinctive trait of embedded clauses in English. This insight can be easily captured in a DG approach, but in order to do so, one needs to assume that the finite verb dominates the content verb, not vice versa, for only in this manner is there a direct dependency linking the subject to the finite verb. This one dependency is, then, the core dependency responsible for the most distinctive word trait of embedded clauses.

To sum up, the answer to the question is that the patterns suggested in the question can indeed serve as templates for establishing basic aspects of clause structure in a DG approach to syntax. However, for such an approach to work well, one has to get the basic dependency analysis correct. In particular, one has to be clear and confident about which word order qualifies as the root of the clause.

Tim Osborne
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  • Thanks for an elaborate response, really this response is a gold mine for me. As for the question, the situation is that for a particular sentence I am already getting the dpendency tree structure, pos tag, lemmatized token. So there is plenty of info from where I can check the conditions you mentioned. Here I am not concerned much about how down far in the DG, verb succeeds subject, I just wanna confrim that verb do succeeds subject....that you verified....and with other info at disposal, I think its good for me....thanks a lot again – Aditya Rustagi Jun 05 '20 at 17:13
  • @AdityaRustagi Note though that the auxiliary-as-root approach isn’t so traditional after all, in the Prague school of linguistic (Prague Dependency Treebank) auxiliaries depend on the main verb (in both Czech and English). Just for completeness. – Atamiri Jun 05 '20 at 17:45
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    @TimOsborne Why is the object a dependent of the verb in (1a,b) but not (1c,d)? The semantic relation between the verb and its object is the same in each case, right? Also, English embedded clauses don't always exhibit the SV order. Inversion can occur in embedded clauses, giving surface forms like "It was obvious that never before had-V anyone-S seen a sight quite like it". You can find many further examples with a Google search for "that never before had" in quotation marks. This occurs in contexts besides negative inversion too; some dialects even allow it in embedded questions. – one-off-post Jun 05 '20 at 19:15
  • @Atamari, what you write is not fully accurate. It's just the copula in the Prague Tree Bank that is subordinated to the predicative expression. Modal verbs, in contrast, are positioned as the root. Furthermore, most DG theoreticians have long arrived at the conclusion that the finite verb is the root, e.g. Hudson, Mel'cuk, Heringer, Eroms, Gerdes, Kahane, Gross, etc. More importantly, there are many concrete linguistic reasons for taking the finite verb as the root. I have written much about this directly: https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/10.5334/gjgl.537/. – Tim Osborne Jun 06 '20 at 02:29
  • @one-off-post Yes, I omitted the analysis of discontinuities in my trees in order to not overwhelm the OP. My preferred account actually augments the tree analyses in terms of what my coauthors and I call rising. Doing this for German is crucial in part because of the prevalence of scrambling; the word order is quite free. In this case in particular, the object viel rises to attach higher in the tree. We develop this aspect of discontinuities in detail here: http://www.linguistics.fi/julkaisut/SKY2009/Gross_Osborne_NETTI.pdf. – Tim Osborne Jun 06 '20 at 02:40
  • @one-off-post, concerning negative inversion and dialectal variation, you're right. I have amended my answer to accommodate your comment. Thanks. – Tim Osborne Jun 06 '20 at 02:46
  • @TimOsborne 1) No, it’s also the auxiliaries, at least in their article “Announcing Prague Czech-English Dependency Treebank 2.0”. 2) Well, the UG scheme — dozens of tree banks — has it the other way around. – Atamiri Jun 06 '20 at 09:04
  • @Tim thanks for the clarification on "rising," interesting stuff. sorry to keep nitpicking, but i'm not sure i agree the exceptions to embedded SV are rare. VS occurs in embedded contexts besides just neg-inversion. it also occurs with embedded locative inversion, comparative inversion, conditional inversion, predicate inversion, and so-inversion. in fact, it seems question inversion is the only matrix inversion phenomenon that doesn't apply in embedded clauses, and that's only true in some dialects. all this considered, it seems VS order is quite readily available in embedded contexts – one-off-post Jun 06 '20 at 11:14
  • @one-off-post The counterexamples you mention are already rare in matrix clauses, and in embedded clauses, they will certainly be much much rarer. My guess is that some small percentage of embedded clauses have something other than SV order, probably under 1%. If you doubt my claim, I might go ahead and do an individual sample to check. – Tim Osborne Jun 06 '20 at 12:38
  • @Atamiri, My personal communications with Jarmila Panevova are the basis for my claim. She stated that only the copula is subordinated to the predicative expression in the PDT. Perhaps they've changed it up since she was influential in its development. Concerning UD, you're of course correct. But that approach is disputed. In case you are not aware of efforts to counter the mistakes of UD, the UD treebanks have been converted to a format that is linguistically reasonably-well motivated. See here: https://surfacesyntacticud.github.io/. – Tim Osborne Jun 06 '20 at 13:56
  • @TimOsborne Interesting, I haven’t thought of them having changed the annotation scheme. I’ll look at older papers then. But why’s the copula subordinated? Thanks for the link. – Atamiri Jun 06 '20 at 14:36
  • @Tim sorry i misunderstood your use of "rare," which i had understood as "restricted to particular exceptional phenomena." the sense of "rare" you're using is "infrequent in usage (corpora)." many of the most interesting syntactic phenomena are extremely rare in this sense, but that does not excuse syntactic theories from including them in their generalizations. taking the phenomena i mentioned into account, it's not clear in what sense english embedded clauses are characterized by SV order, as VS order, though probably rare in corpora, occurs in a range of robust contexts – one-off-post Jun 06 '20 at 14:56
  • @TimOsborne I just checked Sgall and Panevová’s theory and it’s the other way around, in their theory copulae are heads and auxiliaries depend on the main verb (in the past and future tense and the conditional). I don’t know why they decided to have it this way but it’s never changed. – Atamiri Jun 06 '20 at 19:11
  • @Atamiri, You are correct. But to be clear, the issue concerns just one verb in Czech, i.e. byt. I have gone back to see what I wrote about it when I was working on the topic. The terminology is a bit confusing insofar as one has to draw a distinction between auxiliary byt and copular byt -- the two are probably the same one lexical item. The relevant discussion is on pages 247-248 here: https://www.aclweb.org/anthology/W15-2127.pdf – Tim Osborne Jun 08 '20 at 01:25
  • @TimOsborne The Czech examples in the paper are wrong, “jsem” and all other auxiliaries are always written separately, they never form a single word with the main verb. – Atamiri Jun 08 '20 at 16:55
  • @Atamiri, Jarmila Panevova read that section. I asked her to check if for me. If there were a problem, she likely would have corrected it. – Tim Osborne Jun 09 '20 at 00:04
  • @TimOsborne Well, I don’t know what happened but the examples are wrong so the conclusions based on them are all irrelevant. Just ask any Czech speaker (there are a few here on this forum I think). In fact, a simple treebank search (or even Google) will confirm that they’ll all ill-formed. – Atamiri Jun 09 '20 at 00:09
  • @Atamiri, I am checking with Jarmila. I'll be back once she has responded. – Tim Osborne Jun 09 '20 at 01:07
  • @TimOsborne OK. I only pointed out the mistakes I had spotted. I'd be more interested in an answer to my question about labelling grammatical functions on edges in languages with free word order, please see the other thread. – Atamiri Jun 09 '20 at 02:02
  • @Atamiri. Jarmila has responded. You are right. The mistakes are an embarrassment for me. – Tim Osborne Jun 10 '20 at 12:51
  • @TimOsborne It’s not a big deal, everybody makes mistakes. Now I’d be interested in your updated conclusions based on the corrected examples. Are you going to revisit the topic? – Atamiri Jun 10 '20 at 13:56
  • @Atamari, the mistakes in the examples are mostly of a typographical nature. They do not impact the linguistic reasoning. The evidence that auxiliaries are heads over content verbs is overwhelming. I have published a lot on this topic. See in particular here: https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/10.5334/gjgl.537/ – Tim Osborne Jun 11 '20 at 16:52